In Costa Rica a popular referendum to say" No "to the Treaty of Free Trade (3) Public Blog full version of the interview on the referendum in Costa Rica with Cerdas Gerardo Vega, a sociologist who co-ordinates for the Central American region, the "Grito de los excluidos / as." Slightly cut came out yesterday on Liberation . (Lm)
1) Costa Rica is the only Central American country not to have ratified CAFTA. Como have achieved this?
In January 2003, when they began negotiations of CAFTA, we were already organized in part: last year we were together and had produced information materials on the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the Free Trade Area of Americas (FTAA), because the Costa Rica participated in the two negotiations. We went to the Alive
respective Continental and, with them, we began to document on a complex topic as free trade.
From this core movement was born a citizen anti-CAFTA, that has now been extended to the whole society and is present across the board in all classes. In 5 years we have built the country, house by house, neighborhood by neighborhood, union to union, school after school ... what is called "a work by ants", ie a slow and seemingly insignificant but with enormous social power.
addition, in 2003 we organized the first two demonstrations against CAFTA in January and then February. The movement we see today owes much to having time to read the theme and the ability to raise progressively the popular organizations in the country, the true pioneer of this struggle that now involves political parties, nongovernmental organizations, universities, and lots of personality and citizens, who do not belong to any organized reality, they have understood the historical need to mobilize.
One element that I would like to highlight is the creativity of the movement as regards the production of materials and forms of expression, from traditional "flyer" for the video (many are on YouTube, ed), the use of the Internet (there are numerous blogs, ed) and the theater and music as tools of political message, the pressure on the assembly legislative and other government bodies.
2) What, in your opinion, the most important aspect of the movement that opposes the Free Trade Agreement?
Certainly that, although there is no single coordination between these realities, there is a common goal, and this unites more than just the leadership, which in fact are very different. I think I can say, in fact, that all social and popular movement has pushed back against CAFTA. And each organization is as important as the others, regardless of its size, because each acts at different levels (from those able to be heard in the media to those who only work in their neighborhood). On the one hand there are important unions such as the Instituto Costarricense de Electricidad and farmers' organizations such as the Frente Campesino Agricultural contra el TLC, but the most significant aspect is undoubtedly the emergence of new organizational expressions, in neighborhoods, in the cantons, among young people.
are actually breaking the traditional organizational schemes, and this provides a wealth fundamental policy for this movement, because it makes it very flexible and difficult to co-opt.
There are some important experience of unity, including the Coordinadora Nacional de Lucha contra el TLC, the regional coordinators (working independently). There is also a Frente Nacional de Apoyo a la Lucha contra el TLC, which includes academics and policies. And even some political parties such as Acción Ciudadana Frente Amplio and have played an important role in inviting the citizens to oppose CAFTA. But most important is without doubt that the whole society has been mobilized, and this causes the "fire" of the resistance are not an organization, become more like "carriers" of grassroots mobilization.
3) Before ratification of CAFTA, the legislature shall app rovare 13 bills, an inseparable part of the Treaty of free trade. Issues that concern? It is true that some of these measures would be unconstitutional?
Some bills in debate, the "agenda of implementation of CAFTA, the FTA is essential to have full legal effectiveness. The most controversial are those that relate to the "strengthening" of the Instituto Costarricense de Electricidad (ICE), which despite the name debilitates the most efficient public company in Central America, to make easy prey of multinational companies (the English Union Fenosa, Iberdrola and Endesa is already present in the region, ed), the law on the liberalization of insurance and water resources, the approval of an agreement for the protection of patents on plants (UPOV-91) and the approval of the Budapest Treaty ( still a relative measure patents, ed.)
Finally, a loan of $ 220 million from the Inter-American Development Bank (IADB), in addition to $ 135 million of public funds to develop projects such as "support for the competitiveness of small and medium enterprises, development of 'sustainable agriculture and livestock and strengthening rural education, "and there is no concrete project.
A working group made up of lawyers from the University of Costa Rica have analyzed the text of the Treaty, signaling at least 50 unconstitutional. Despite this, the Constitutional Hall of the Supreme Court of Justice, to serve the Government, stated that the free trade treaty respects the Constitution.
4) In October, the people of Costa Rica will vote "Yes" or "No" to the ratification of the Treaty. Worldwide is the first time the decision on a trade agreement being debated in a referendum. How did you come to this proposal?
The popular movement has never sought the referendum, because our goal has always been that the text of CAFTA was not even discussed the Legislative Assembly.
The idea of \u200b\u200ba referendum was launched last year by a group of people led by José Miguel Corrales, a former deputy and former presidential candidate of the Partido de Liberación Nacional (the same as President Oscar Arias). After the march of February 26, 2007, attended by 250,000 people, the Supreme Electoral Tribunal accepted the request to convene a referendum and the group of Corrales authorized to collect the signatures of 5 percent of voters, which would make the actual calling a referendum. At that point, the government of Oscar Arias decided instead to call the referendum along with the legislature, presenting itself as a democratic government that "listens to the voice of the people."
is certain, however, that the whole process to this referendum was full of fraud and arbitrariness. For example, it is clear that the government is using the funds used to finance services public and social projects to "buy" rural communities, pressing for the vote to "Yes". The stupid and misleading advertising spread from the front of the government through the media confuses the citizens, who have never offered valid arguments against the "No". Occur, even to the old method of McCarthy "communist threat".
Thus, even if it is logical that in the eyes of the international community appears this referendum as a historic moment, we must not lose sight of the critical conditions in the Jubilee year: 99.7 percent of the advertising on the mass media is bought from the front of the "Yes" (employers, government) and only 0.3 per cent from the "No".
The difference is abysmal, but the Electoral Tribunal did not bother to ensure fairness in the media, even public ones. This does not deny, however, the crucial importance of the consultation on 7 October, and we are doing everything possible to make the "No" to beat the "Yes" in obvious ways.
5) How have you organized to raise awareness on the dangers of CAFTA and to ensure that the majority of Costa Ricans will vote "No" to the referendum?
As I explained before, ours is a highly decentralized organization based activism "of all days." In this context, educational activities is vital, and pass through the production and distribution (mostly free) materials and flags or stickers, visits to farming communities and indigenous programs to radio, community radio, and artistic activities.
The joint policy, there has been mainly in the micro-social spaces, and it is important to understand this detail.
There was, however, also an enormous effort on the part of some political parties represented in the legislature, such as the Partido de Acción Ciudadana, the Partido Accessibilidad Exclusiones and Sin the Frente Amplio), to form scrutineers and observers to the referendum day.
Also, many organizations are financially supporting the campaign with regard to transportation, food and printing materials, to ensure at least be able to accomplish our work in the best possible way.
6) What will happen in the event of victory for the "No"? What do you think would be the relationship of the political class and, in particular, President Arias Sanches? What do you expect the United States of America?
If he wins the "No", will be a shock to the United States and throughout the Costa Rican political class. I do not think if you expect and who are prepared to commit electoral fraud to prevent it. If they lose, chances are they do not accept the result, and it gets repression.
is difficult, but possible. What is certain, though, is that the Government will continue to press for ratification of the 'agenda for implementation, "it would be a sort of" caftan without CAFTA. " The U.S., however, could impose trade sanctions, to give a sort of "exemplary punishment" and to warn other countries about the risks run by opposing the signing of a treaty of free trade. Under this punishment, I might decide to transfer investments to other countries in the area, such as Nicaragua or Honduras, Costa Rican population to blame the possible loss of jobs.
The scenario is difficult to predict, but I want to highlight a key aspect: the contradictions of CAFTA reveal a more complex situation, in terms of deep structural critique of neoliberalism. Therefore, to win the "Yes" or "No", this profound contradiction with this referendum will not be resolved but will remain dormant as a central element of political life in the coming years.
If he wins the "No", our next step should be to deepen the organizational skills and proactive people.
Costa Rica needs a profound economic transformation, political and social equivalent to a re-foundation of the country. But the political class is corrupt and without horizons, and we sell out the country. Therefore, this new foundation to be promoted by the company mobilized. What we have now is the "desire of policy," which although not sufficient in itself to create this transformation is a seed of initiatives, and popular forces that ultimately may affect a real and positive in the construction of the country in which all and all aspire to.
